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						Two columns, each with 
						some good light in them, came out in this recent month, 
						their positive notes helping to draw the year 2006 to a 
						close – a year that could well use some light for us 
						Americans, so otherwise paying for mistake after mistake 
						that our delusional leaders have mired us in abroad. 
						In The New Yorker of December 18, George Packer 
						had the first of these two columns, "Knowing the Enemy:  
						Can social scientists redefine the 'war on terror'?"  
						Packer had been interviewing widely for his own agonies 
						at the arrogance, blundering, and lies that have 
						characterized our invasion of Iraq.  This, after his 
						hopes in 2003, when he'd enthused over intervention in 
						the Middle East.  Then he'd had to write his 2005 
						book on how it all went so wrong, Assassins' Gate:  
						Americans in Iraq. 
						A new, key source of 
						wisdom, he now recounts – for not only our Iraqi 
						quagmire, but all our foreign policy – came with 
						locating David Kilcullen, an Australian who has recently 
						served as chief strategist in the counterterrorism 
						office of the U.S. Department of State.  Kilcullen got 
						his wisdom years earlier when, as an officer in the 
						Australian army, he was studying how governments 
						successfully fight counterinsurgency movements – in 
						particular how the Indonesian government achieved its 
						success over such a movement in West Java.  Kilcullen 
						learned to see any fight with counterinsurgency "not 
						primarily as a blunt military struggle but as a subtle 
						propaganda war that required deep knowledge of diverse 
						enemies and civilian populations." 
						The United States, by huge contrast, has not made 
						anything like a commitment to knowing our purported 
						enemies or understanding the civilian populations we 
						have invaded and occupied.  In Iraq, for instance, of 
						the 1,000 American personnel assigned to the 
						heavily-fortified and secluded Baghdad governing center 
						called The Green Zone, only six speak Arabic.  In his 
						New Yorker piece, Packer discusses more instances of 
						our leaders' failures that have come from 
						too-exclusively relying on military might.  He quotes 
						"James Kunder, a former marine and the acting deputy of 
						the U.S. Agency for International Development," who 
						"pointed out that in Iraq and Afghanistan 'the civilian 
						agencies have received 1.4 per cent of the total money,' 
						whereas classical counterinsurgency doctrine says that 
						eighty per cent of the effort should be nonmilitary." 
						To some extent, Packer's article teeters to the 
						negative, as when he says "In the information war, 
						America and its allies are barely competing.  America's 
						information operations, far from being the primary 
						strategy, simply support military actions, and often 
						badly." 
						He seems negative, too, when he lists further 
						characteristics of an American people who, apart from 
						our leaders' delusions, do not seem at all ready to 
						subsidize the hegemony of the world for the sake of our 
						corporate rich.  "American society," he writes is one: 
							
								
									| ◊ | in 
									which few people spend much time overseas or 
									learn a second language; |  
									| ◊ | which 
									is impatient with chronic problems; |  
									| ◊ | whose 
									vision of war is of huge air and armor 
									battles ended by the signing of articles of 
									surrender; |  
									| ◊ | which 
									tends to assume that everyone is basically 
									alike. |  
						Perhaps Packer's key 
						wisdom here resides in the last item in his list.  He 
						knows that, contrary to the "have-a-nice-day!" 
						banalities we cheery Americans like to feign, others 
						around the world are not so "basically alike."  Peoples 
						vary widely.  "They" – if not us – have capabilities 
						according largely to their cultures:  from their land 
						and the shapes they give it, from the food they nurture 
						on it, the buildings and transport whereon they utilize 
						it, and the clothing variously apt for it.  Packer had 
						originally known this from another context, as described 
						in his memoir of six years earlier, Blood of the 
						Liberals – his Farrar, Straus & Giroux-published 
						account of his own family's longstanding, reform-minded 
						ties to the land and history of his native Alabama. 
						Blood of the Liberals 
						describes Packer's becoming attuned to both local and 
						national history.  His December 18 article in The New 
						Yorker goes further, indicating his yet-growing 
						sensitivity to how people anywhere in the world exhibit 
						their history and culture.  Kilcullen helped to teach 
						him this.  Another did, too – an anthropologist named 
						Montgomery McFate.  She, McFate, had learned how key any 
						society's cultural instruments are, starting with her 
						girlhood growing up on a houseboat in San Francisco 
						Bay's Marin County, where she had a unique 
						counter-culture perspective on America's larger culture 
						of corporate marketing and advertising.  She learned 
						cultural depths further as a young adult in Northern 
						Ireland, where she could see the militarized conflict 
						there from inside the cultures of both Irish Roman 
						Catholics and English Protestants.  She learned, as her 
						fellow Americans seldom do, how most in the world live 
						at once both limited and enabled by their cultures.  
						Packer shows how Kilcullen learned this.  Vexed by our 
						leaders' total blindness to how we affect other 
						cultures, he adds that "McFate discovered something very 
						like what Kilcullen found in West Java:  insurgency 
						runs in families and social networks, held together by 
						persistent cultural narratives." 
						A second column near the end of 2006 also 
						shed some good light on our readiness to see "others" – 
						especially to see into lands whose narratives can sink, 
						and have sunk, into horrors normally unfathomable to 
						us.  On December 27 >San Francisco Chronicle 
						editorial writer Louis Freedberg wrote of an 
						organization helping to arrange teaching to see this.   
						This organization, Facing History and Ourselves, 
						has training programs and materials nationwide. 
						 Freedberg interviewed many involved in its teaching 
						efforts, from its Bay area director, Jack Weinstein, to 
						classroom visits Freedberg also made locally. 
						His column, "Genocide 
						in the Classroom," described Freedberg's own particular 
						pleasure in seeing teachers and students taking on the 
						imaginative challenge that, with Darfur still roiling in 
						its currently-blatant genocide, and recent genocides in 
						Rwanda and Bosnia, evidently is a challenge that is not 
						going away. 
						In one high school, in 
						San Francisco, he saw ninth graders presenting memorial 
						projects they'd put together through the then-concluding 
						fall semester to make tactile the horrific experiences 
						of WWII Jews and others.  At a high school in 
						Pleasanton, in the interstate highway corridor southeast 
						of San Francisco, heading towards the Central Valley, he 
						saw yet another project in which the students had been 
						engaged, and saw them yet discussing texts they had been 
						reading. 
						Freedberg enthused 
						over the literally hundreds of projects Facing 
						History and Ourselves makes available for 
						classrooms nationwide – especially, as he wrote, in 
						light of the conference Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had just finished conducting in Teheran this 
						recent December.  Ahmadinejad is dedicated to denial – 
						to discounting the WWII Holocaust upon the Jews.  The 
						work of all these teachers and students in the San 
						Francisco Bay area, and in other American classrooms, 
						seemed good remedy to Freedberg for the pedagogic 
						nonsense in Iran, and for worse history actually yet 
						abroad. 
						But I'm not as sure as Freedberg.  Good as the work that Facing History 
						and Ourselves does – good as are its many 
						hundreds of classroom projects, booklets, conferences, 
						textbooks, and seminars – I'm afraid that, as 
						self-contained curricula, they may all enable but more 
						comfort zones if they simply recap more varieties of our 
						normal academic modules.  Courses and materials like 
						this may give everybody some perspective on history, but 
						– without literacy skills requiring students and 
						teachers also to acknowledge each other along with the 
						course material – all may be repeating the same 
						specialization habits whereby all in corporate academe 
						withdraw into safe niches.  The otherwise good teaching 
						units may have the words "and ourselves" as part of 
						their titles, but "ourselves" may reduce to the 
						basic narcissism and elevation-distancing that key all 
						Americans' consumerism conceits.  Our corporate 
						advertisers have done well in marketing us into these 
						conceits – into what we think of as our variety:  our 
						respective consumer demographics.  Our corporate 
						academics have done as well for these same conceits, 
						divvying us up as they have into their mutually-isolated 
						specializations. 
						Can we good Americans 
						learn to mistrust the niches from which we project our 
						narcissism on others as if they, too, inhabit narratives 
						like ours?  Or can we acquire the necessary sense 
						of obligation to be alert for "others" and in 
						enlarged literacy to quote them.  Can we learn how, 
						even as "others," their stories may connect to some 
						from among us and our peers – how their nations, their 
						lands, their economies, their entertainments may also 
						connect to ours and us in them.  Does Facing 
						History and Ourselves challenge students and 
						teachers to seek these connections?  Or do its 
						activities repeat the other niche activities that bypass 
						the literate difficulties of connections for the greater 
						ease of what Packer, Kilcullen, and McFate feared as our 
						assumptions "that everyone is basically alike"? |